Can Foreign Policy Cure Africa’s Dependency Syndrome?

PolicyNG

Last Updated: 12, July 2013

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Shrugging off memories of its colonial past, Africa today stands at a precarious crossroad. On one hand, it is being aggressively pursued by international heavyweights such as the United States, China and Japan – all of which promise billions in aid and investment. But on the other hand, will Africa be able fend off the exploitative hawks circling around her?

There are no free meals in International Relations. Any student or International Relations specialist would be familiar with this maxim as it demonstrates the constant interaction between nations-states based on quid pro quo – give and take. With the world becoming smaller as a result of globalization, which has effectively brought nation-states closer together than before, actors within the international system are constantly devising means to remain relevant. Consequently, foreign policy objectives when vigorously pursued could become a veritable means to ensure continual survival, sometimes to the detriment of other nations-states.

For instance, under this globalization model, trade and investment could work to the disadvantage of developing market economies as free trade would ensure the removal of protective measures and tariffs, thereby putting indigenous entrepreneurs at great risk. Therefore, foreign policy objectives (mostly interest motivated) could either correct or add complications to this dog-eat-dog international system.

But the problem with this general idea, as it concerns African countries (like Nigeria), is it restricts the ability of countries to protect her own interest, resulting in a precarious situation where less developed countries end up being dictated by major players in the international system.

This situation is further compounded considering the following features: Firstly, Nigeria – like other African countries since independence – has remained an offshoot of its erstwhile colonial powers and inter-relations are based on the directives of either London or Paris. Secondly, the bi-polar nature of the international system (i.e. Western Bloc versus Eastern Bloc) during the Cold War further militated against African countries pursuing an interest-oriented foreign policy perceived as detrimental to hegemonic influence of either blocs. Finally, in the face of rising emerging economies like China, Brazil, India, Russia, African countries like Nigeria are faced with the challenge of adopting a dynamic foreign policy which could pitch these emerging economies against the ‘old’ ones all to ensure their interest is maintained.

But this appears to be a noble dream mainly because, Nigeria till date (correct me if I am wrong) does not have an ideological framework guiding her foreign policy formulation. What some have called ‘ideologies for foreign policy’ appears to be mere idiosyncrasies of the present administration and as such remains trapped in a flux. Whatever the case may be, Nigeria, like her African counterparts, appears to be a pawn, subject to the demands of a dominant and exploitative international system where different groups or hegemon seems to be benefiting at her expense.

Since the end of the Cold War in the early 90s, the “Flying Geese” pattern of economic development has gained prominence in explaining the raising influence of East Asia in the global economic sphere.

This model, first developed by Japanese scholar Kaname Akamatsu, explains how the accumulation of physical and human capitals caused economies in this region to diversify first to more capital-intensive key industries and then to rationalize them and adopt more efficient production methods. Furthermore, by these countries appreciating and tracing the basic pattern of industrialization – i.e. the successive curve of import, production and export – they have caught up with and even surpassed early industrialized countries in Europe and America. This basic pattern was transmitted in a geese flight mode from Japan (the lead goose) to other follower geese (newly industrializing economies, ASEAN and China).

China has shows us how a developing country can promote its economic growth by specializing in human capital and combining natural resources with adequate export strategies for investments. Under what Xiao Bin, a professor of public affairs at the Sun Yat-Sen University, calls the “Guangdong Model of Transition”, Chinese economic emergence which was based on a government-led market and export-oriented economy since the 1980s and succeeded in opening up China by combining local land advantages and cheap human resources for massive production, and eventually for re-investment into other economies.

Such re-investments poured in Africa, especially through mechanisms like the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) established in 2002, and has seen Africa as a region reporting significantly higher GDP growth rates, increased GNI and GDP per capita with Chinese goods. In the Nigerian context, the influx of affordable Chinese goods has increased the spending power of the average Nigerian and increased the profit margins for her retailers.

Understanding this model developed by China and other East Asian countries (even USA and Britain developed inward first), arguments have been put forward for every nation-state to first maximize her local resources to her advantage before engaging in this interest-driven competitive international system. Others argue for Nigeria, engaging with East Asian countries remains Nigeria’s best option yet in order to maximize the benefits as opposed to previous arrangements with the likes of USA, Britain and other trade partners.

Currently, Nigeria just like the rest of Africa remains a destination for foreign investment both from East Asia and USA. While President Obama was rolling out the US$7 billion ‘Power Africa’ investment plan, Japan and China are fiercely contesting for new markets in Africa. Recently, even as Japan pledged over US$32 billion USD aid to Africa, Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan is swiftly inching closer to a US$3 billion loan from Beijing. Nigeria might not always enjoy this position as policymakers not only in Nigeria, but also in Africa, need to understand the importance of an aggressive foreign policy centered on preserving the interest of Africa within the present scope of economic relations.

The international system is replete with trade and development lessons which Nigeria and Africa can learn from. For instance, ASEAN, clearly understanding the diversity and complexity of its region, designed a Blueprint to “transform ASEAN into a single market and production base, a highly competitive economic region with equitable economic development … fully integrated into the global economy.” With this idea, conceptualized in December 1997, ASEAN member countries have worked in tandem to ensure economic relations between its members are carried out with the goal of “narrowing the development gap and accelerating the place of its member states in the global economy.”

It is therefore little wonder that Indonesia has been able to maintain an average economic growth of 7% since 1997 making her the biggest economy in this region, while others like Singapore, Thailand and Myanmar continue to record impressive economic growth. By assisting sister countries, the ASEAN region has tried to avoid the exploitative tendencies of other economic hegemon in the world, while also ensuring foreign direct investments.

Ultimately, the aim is to break away from dependency syndrome which besets Africa. It seems like just yesterday that Africa was entirely dependent on the West and today it is relying on its relations with Asia to make itself relevant in the global economy.

By Austine Okere

Austine Okere is a Lecturer with the Department of History and International Studies at the Nnamdi Azikiwe University in Nigeria. He has particular interest in International Economic Relations and Sustainable Development.

is republished with permission from PolicyNG, Nigeria’s foremost policy analysis platform. Follow them on twitter: @PolicyNG.

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